During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, American Protestant churches prohibited women from preaching or becoming ordained ministers. However, the religious revivalism of the Awakenings – a series of Protestant religious movements in the United States – created new, socially acceptable yet distinct opportunities for women, including forming benevolent societies and accompanying their husbands on foreign missionary endeavours. As pioneers in a nascent field, these missionary wives faced societal discouragement and family obligation conflicts, yet they felt a call to serve abroad, believing it was God’s will: “I must spend my days in a heathen land. I am a creature of God, and he has an undoubted right to do with me, as seemeth good in his sight.”[1]
Missionary women’s memoirs, comprised of letters and diary entries, provided insight into their work, educated future missionaries, and garnered interest in the field. However, male editors (often the women’s husbands) compiled, filtered and annotated these posthumously published memoirs to highlight religious devotion and self-sacrifice. This portrayal reinforced traditional gender and religious norms, promoted mission work among women and increased public support for the cause. Analyzing the wives’ use of the term “female,” we can discern the gender norms they internalized and transcended, and evaluate how these norms influenced their interactions and attitudes toward the locals they served.
Notable among these American missionary women were Congregationalists[2] Harriet Newell and Harriet Winslow. Harriet Newell (1793-1812) was termed the “first martyr to the Missionary cause from the American world.”[3] Her 1818 memoir detailed her work in India at her husband Rev. Samuel Newell’s request. Rev. Miron Winslow compiled his wife Harriet Winslow’s (1796-1833) memoir published in 1835. It documents her work in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), where she established The Uduvil Girls’ School (formerly Female Central School in Ceylon), the longest-operating all-girls school in Asia.[4]

Usage of “Female” Reveals Dual Sphere Ideology
Early 19th-century female missionary memoirs, such as Newell’s, reveal the separate spheres of men and women and the internalization of their domestic role through their linguistic choice of “female.” Originating from Middle English, “female” first appeared in William of Shorham’s works around 1350 as a term for “a person that can bear offspring; a woman or a girl.”[5] This definition underscores the word’s biological implications over social or individual characteristics. While overseas, Newell’s correspondence with her brother describes men in more elevated and personal terms than women. She observes, “No white female is seen walking in the streets, and but few gentlemen.”[6] Here, “female” aligns with the definition’s broad biological sense, devoid of individuality, while “gentlemen” connotes respect and distinct social status. This juxtaposition underscores the traditional gender roles defined by dual sphere ideology, where “white female[s]” are relegated to the private domain, nurture the family, and create a “haven” from the harsh, competitive world of capitalism, while “gentlemen” engaged in the public sphere to earn household income.[7] Despite Newell’s pioneering role as one of the first U.S. missionary wives, her language upholds separate sphere ideology by personalizing men’s public leadership while relegating women to anonymous, subordinate roles.

Missionary Wives’ Capabilities Beyond Helpmates
In a letter to her friend, Winslow illustrates the expansive role of missionary wives in the early 19th century through her repeated use of the term “female,” revealing how they not only upheld the domestic sphere but also contributed to their husbands’ spiritual and emotional resilience. Missionary wives served as helpmates to their husbands, maintaining the domestic sphere to keep it pure and strong, thereby sustaining their husbands through their work. She proclaims, “Her husband is to find all his society in her.”[8] She provides companionship, advice, and spiritual and emotional support while caring for the family. Rooted in the domestic sphere, Winslow emphasized that her contributions transcended being labelled “petty things.”[9] Winslow’s invocation of the word “female” throughout the passage intersects with the term’s biological definition and underscores gender-specific roles, stating, “There is time to do much for the female sex, which all find must be done almost exclusively by females.”[10] Her statement acknowledges the gendered nature of missionary activities, highlighting women’s role as primarily caregivers and nurturers. However, “much” suggests her work is critical and extensive, going beyond supporting roles, as demonstrated by her establishment of an all-girls school. She thereby asserts that women’s capabilities and responsibilities exceeded their traditional perceived roles as helpmates.
Educating Local Women Despite Scepticism
Winslow’s description of her educational initiatives in Sri Lanka underscores the transformative potential of education in elevating her students’ status. In a letter to her friend, she refers to her pupils as “female scholars,” highlighting their profound commitment to learning that goes beyond mere literacy. Winslow also subtly transcends the traditional, biological definition of “female;” instead promoting women as intellectually capable, despite societal constraints. Winslow’s dedication is further evident when she notes the challenge of teaching without textbooks: “As our number of female scholars is now increased t(o) six, and it will be long before they can read. . . giving them religious instruction, systematically, without books.”[11] This commitment navigated around local perceptions that undervalued female education and maintained their ignorance to ensure their submissiveness as spouses. Winslow’s language use highlights the trailblazing nature of her work and the immediate impact of her efforts to reshape societal norms opposing women’s literacy in Sri Lanka, despite the lack of textbooks. Academics substantiated Indigenous embracement of Winslow’s teaching as there was more local “acceptance to appreciation of women’s intellectual and moral capacities.”[12] The Uduvil Girls’ School continues to “empower young women through academic and extracurricular activities.”[13] Serving 1300 students today, it stands as a living legacy of her work and the broadened acceptance of female education in Sri Lanka, illustrating one individual’s impact on societal transformation.[14]
Conclusion
The linguistic choice of “female” in these missionary memoirs shows how 19th-century missionary women like Harriet Newell and Harriet Winslow navigated and subtly pushed against the constraints of dual-sphere ideology. While their memoirs are filtered through male editors, they are rooted in their own words and the experiences of the women writing them. Their language reveals how these missionary women both reflected and exceeded gender norms, transcending their traditional role of helpmates to support local communities through education and social reforms.
Katherine Hsu is a senior at The Chapin School in New York City. Her passion for history scholarship has led her to complete multiple research assistantships with the Gilder Lehrman Institute, as well as internships at the New-York Historical Society and the Merchant’s House Museum. She is currently researching with Professor Victoria Phillips and has interned with James Beard Award winner Adrian Miller (book acknowledgement forthcoming). Katie spends her summers as a Teaching Fellow with the Summer Steps kindergarten readiness program, building on her work as a tutor with Reading Partners, and serves on the Challenge Success Student Advisory Council.
[1] James D. Knowles. 1798-1838. Memoir of Mrs. Ann H. Judson, Late Missionary to Burmah. Including a History of the American Baptist Mission in the Burman Empire. Massachusetts: Massachusetts: Lincoln; Edmands, 1829, 43.
[2] Congregationalists were members of a Protestant denomination emphasizing the independence and self-governance of individual congregations, originating in the Puritan tradition.
[3] Harriet Newell, Delighting in her Heavenly Bridegroom: The Memoirs of Harriet Newell, Teenage Missionary Wife. London: J.F. Dove, 1815, 7.
[4] ”Uduvil Girls College Building Project.” Global Ministries Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and the United Church of Christ. https://my.noodletools.com/web2.0/bibliography.html.
[5] Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “female (n. & adj.),” July 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/OED/8097376973.
[6] Newell, Delighting in her Heavenly, 77.
[7] Beth Hess and Myra Marx Ferree, eds., Analyzing Gender: A Handbook of Social Science Research (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1987), 267-268, digital file.
[8] Rev. Miron Winslow, A Memoir of Mrs. Harriet Wadsworth Winslow, Combining a Sketch of the Ceylon Mission. Published By Leavitt, Lord & Co., New York, 1835., p. 209, https://ia800907.us.archive.org/35/items/amemoirmrsharri00winsgoog/amemoirmrsharri00winsgoog_djvu.txt.
[9] Winslow, A Memoir of Mrs. Harriet, 209.
[10] Winslow, A Memoir of Mrs. Harriet, 203.
[11] Winslow, Memoir of Mrs. Harriet, 216.
[12] Dana L. Robert, American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1997. https://archive.org/details/americanwomeninm0000robe/page/n9/mode/2up, 119.
[13] Winslow, A Memoir of Mrs. Harriet, 261.
[14] Ambalavanar, Thayalan. “Uduvil Girls College’s Bicentenary,” February 7, 2024, https://sangam.org/uduvil-girls-colleges-bicentenary/.